History of the Loyalists: Lieut. James Moody's Narrative

Year
1893
Month
10
Day
11
Article Title
History of the Loyalists: Lieut. James Moody's Narrative
Author
James Hannay
Page Number
1
Article Type
Language
Article Contents
HISTORY OF THE LOYALISTS LIEUT. JAMES MOODY'S NARRATIVE Of His Exertions and Sufferings in the Cause of the Government since the Year 1776. Choice end plan, it would seem, have seldom much influence in determining either men’s characters, or their conditions. These are usually the remit of circumstances utterly without our control. Of the truth of this position, the writer’s own recent history affords abundant proofs. Seven years ego, few human events seemed more improbable, than that he, a plain contented farmer, settled on a large, fertile, pleasant, and well-improved farm of his own, in the best climate and happiest country in the world, should ever beat his ploughshare into a sword, and commence a soldier. Nor was it less improbable that he should ever become a writer, and be called upon to print a narrative of his own adventures. Yet necessity and a sense of duty, contrary to his natural inclination, soon forced him to appear in the former of these characters; and the importunity of his friends has now prevailed with him to assume the latter. When the present ill-fated rebellion first broke out, he was, as has already been hinted,-a happy farmer, without a wish or an idea of any other enjoyment, than that of making happy and being happy with, a beloved wife and three promising children. He loved his neighbors, and hopes they were not wholly without regard for him. Clear of debt, and at ease in his possessions, he had seldom thought much of political or state questions; but he felt and knew he had every possible reason to be grateful for, and attached to, that glorious constitution to which he owed his security. The first great uneasiness he ever felt, on account of the public, was when, after the proceedings of the first Congress were known, he foresaw the imminent danger to which this constitution was exposed; but he was completely miserable when, not long after, he saw it totally overturned. The situation of a man who in such a dilemma, wishes to do right, is trying and difficult. In following the multitude, he was sure of popular applause; this is always pleasing; and it is too clearly bought only when a man gives up for it the approbation of his own conscience. He foresaw, in its fullest force, that torrent of reproach, insult, and injury, which he was sure to draw down on himself and his family by a contrary conduct; nor does he wish to deny, that, for some time these overawed and staggered him. For himself he felt but little; but he had either too much or too little of the man about him, to bear the seeing of his nearest and dearest relatives disgraced and ruined. Of the points in debate between the parent state and his native country, he pretended not to be a competent judge; they were studiously so puzzled and perplexed, that he could come to no other conclusion, than that, however real or great the grievances of the Americans might be, rebellion was not the way to redress them. It requires moreover but little skill to know that rebellion is the foulest of all crimes; and that what was begun in wickedness must end in ruin. With this conviction strong upon his mind, he resolved, that there was no difficulty danger or distress, which, as an honest man, he ought not to undergo, rather than see his country thus disgraced and undone. In spite therefore of incapacity, in spite of disinclination—nay in spite even of concern for his family—with the most ardent love for his country, and the warmest attachment to his countrymen, he resolved to do anything and to be anything, not inconsistent with integrity—to fight, to bleed, to die—rather than live to see the venerable constitution of his country totally lost, and his countrymen enslaved. What the consequences of this resolution have been, it is the intention of the following pages to describe. The facts now to be related have many of them been occasionally published in the New York papers, but in a state so mutilated and imperfect, as rather to excite than to gratify curiosity. They are here brought together under one view in a connected narrative; and set down just as they happened. It is not pretended that all his adventures are here related, or that all the circumstances of those related are fully enumerated. It would be impolitic and dangerous for him to recount at large all his various stratagems; it would be barbarous and base to divulge all the means by which he has sometimes effected his almost miraculous escapes. But were it otherwise, nothing can be farther from his aim than to make a pompous display of any supposed merit of his own. As to the truth of his principal facts, he appeals to sundry certificates and affidavits now in his possession; nay, he farther appeals to every officer of every rank, who has either lately served or is still serving in America. Yet after all, from the nature of the case, the credit of some parts of this narrative must rest upon his own authority, which, he believes, will not be questioned by those who are acquainted with his character. Of the true causes that gave birth to this unhappy quarrel Mr. Moody is unwilling to give any opinion. He is no politician; and, therefore, by no means qualified to reconcile the contradictory assertions and arguments of the contending parties. This only, as an individual of that description of people of whom the greatest part of every community must consist, he thinks it incumbent on him to declare, that it did not originate with the people of America, properly so called. They felt no real grievances, and therefore could have no inducement to risk substantial advantages in the pursuit of such as were only imaginary. In making this declaration, he is confident he speaks the sentiments of a great majority of the peasantry of America But in every country there are multitudes who with little property and perhaps still less principle, are always disposed, and always eager for a change. Such persons are easily wrought upon, and easily persuaded to enlist under the banner of pretended patriots and forward demagogues; of whom also every country is sufficiently prolific. In America those popular leaders had a set of men to assist them, who inherited from their ancestors the most rooted dislike and antipathy to the constitution of the parent state; and by means of their friendly cooperation, they were able to throw the whole continent into a ferment in the year 1774, and maddened almost every part of the country with associations, committees, and liberty-poles, and all the preliminary apparatus necessary to a revolt. The general cry was, "Join or die"! Mr. Moody relished neither of these alternatives and therefore remained on his farm a silent but not unconcerned spectator of the black cloud that had been gathering, and was now ready to burst on his devoted head. It was in vain that he took every possible precaution consistent with a good conscience not to give offence. Some infatuated associations were very near consigning him to the latter of these alternatives only because neither his judgment nor his conscience would suffer him to adopt the former. He was perpetually harassed by these committees; and a party employed by them once actually assaulted his person, having first flourished their tomahawks over his head in a most insulting manner. Finding it impossible either to convince these associations or to be convinced by them, any longer stay among them was useless, and an attempt made on him soon after rendered it impossible. On Sunday 28th March, 1777, while he was walking in his grounds with his neighbor Mr. Hutcheson, he saw a number of armed men marching towards his house. He could have no doubt of their intentions, and endeavored to avoid them. They fired three different shots at him, but happily missed him, and he escaped. From this time therefore, he sought the earliest opportunity to take shelter behind the British lines; and set out for this purpose in April 1777. Seventy three of his neighbors, all honest men of the fairest and most respectable characters, accompanied him in this retreat. The march was long and dangerous. They were repeatedly annoyed and assaulted; and once they were under the necessity of coming to an engagement with a rebel party considerably superior in number. Men circumstanced as he and his friends were, could want no arguments to animate their exertions. The attack was sharp but the Loyalists were successful; the enemy gave way, leaving them at liberty to pursue their route unmolested. The whole company, four only excepted, arrived safe at Bergen, where they joined Lieut.-Colonel Barton's battalion in General Skinner’s brigade. A few whose professions were calculated to render them useful in that department, joined the engineers. In June following Mr. Moody and Mr. Hutcheson went privately about 70 miles into the country, to enlist the friends of government. They enlisted upwards of 500 men. The British army, then at Brunswick, was expected immediately to march through New Jersey. Mr. Moody and his friends had their agents properly placed, to give them the earliest information of the army’s moving; when their plan was to disarm the disaffected and generally arm the loyal. Let the reader then judge of their mortification, when whilst then adherents were high in spirits, and confident of their ability, at one blow, as it were, to have crushed the rebellion in New Jersey, they were informed that General Howe had evacuated the province, and was gone to the southward.* Notwithstanding this discouragement, Mr. Moody and his party still continued in the country agreeably to their instructions in the hope that some opportunity would still present itself to annoy the rebellious and to assist the loyal. But no such opportunity offering immediately, they soon received orders to join the army with the men they had enlisted or could enlist. In consequence of these instructions, they set forwards with about 100 Loyalists (not more than that number, from the change of prospects, were then to be prevailed upon to leave their own country; or if it had been otherwise the time was too scanty, being not more than 48 hours to collect them together, which it must be obvious was to be done only with great caution and secrecy), on a march of upwards of 70 miles, through a well inhabited part of the province. The rebels pursued them; and after several skirmishes at length came upon them in such force near Perth-Amboy, that they were obliged to give way and disperse. More than 60 of the party were taken prisoners; eight only besides Mr. Moody, got within the British lines. These prisoners, after being confined in Morristown jail, were tried for what was called high treason; and above one half of them were sentenced to die. Two, whose names were Iliff and Mee, were actually executed; the rest having been reprieved on condition of their serving in the rebel army. The love of life prevailed. They enlisted; but so strong was their love of loyalty at the same time, that, three or four excepted, who died under the hands of their captors, they all, very soon after made their escape to the British army. On comparing the numbers who had at first set out with him, with those who, after being taken had returned to him, Mr. Moody found that on the alarm, some had escaped; and some also, who had been taken and released being still missing, he concluded that they had gone back to their respective homes. This induced him to return without delay into the country; and he came back with 19 men. Convinced that there were still many more, on whom good advice and a good example might have their proper influence, he again went out, and brought back with him 42 young men, as fine soldiers as are in the world; some of them had but just escaped from jails, where they had been confined for their loyalty. All these he was happy enough to conduct safe to the King’s army. From this time he continued with his battalion till 1778, having just before been made an ensign. *This was to the Chesapeake expedition. [To be continued.]